The Middle Corridor’s significance has grown since the onset of the Russia-Ukraine War and holds tremendous potential for the future.
The Caspian Post presents an interview with Dr. Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu, Assistant Professor at Joongbu University, Korea, and Senior Researcher at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Korea.
What are the main areas of Turkiye’s cooperation with the Central Asian states in recent years? Which areas do you think have the greatest potential for further development?
Turkiye’s recent cooperation with Central Asia has broadened across economic, cultural, security, and diplomatic spheres. The country has steadily increased its trade volume with Central Asian nations, surpassing 15 billion USD. Initiatives like the Joint Economic Commission are helping Turkiye establish more effective trade relationships with the region. Additionally, Turkiye collaborates on energy projects, focusing on natural gas and oil transport routes to reduce dependence on Russian energy supplies. Through the Middle Corridor and related Belt and Road Initiatives, Turkiye has positioned itself as a key transit hub for Central Asian exports to Europe.
The Middle Corridor’s significance has grown since the onset of the Russia-Ukraine War and holds tremendous potential for the future. Cargo traffic, currently reaching around 5 million tons, is expected to increase further in the coming period. The countries in the region bear a substantial responsibility in managing and supporting this development.
Another pressing issue for Turkiye is the strategic importance of critical minerals. The US and European countries have already begun collaborating with Central Asia as an alternative source to China, highlighting the need for Turkiye to invest in this area as well. Central Asia's significance is further underscored by its rich reserves of critical minerals in this decade, making it a key player in this field.
How do you assess Turkiye’s role in strengthening cultural and economic ties between the Central Asian countries? What are the key differences between Turkiye’s approach and that of other major actors such as China and Russia?
Turkiye holds a unique position in Central Asia, leveraging a shared cultural and linguistic heritage to foster goodwill and a sense of brotherhood. Since the early 1990s, under the leadership of Presidents Turgut Ozal and Suleyman Demirel, Turkiye has actively promoted economic partnerships, educational exchanges, and established multilateral platforms such as the Organization of Turkic States. A strong relationship was established with regional leaders, notably Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan, Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan, Saparmurat Turkmenbashi of Turkmenistan, Askar Akayev of Kyrgyzstan, and Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan. This relationship was characterized by diplomatic engagement and cooperation in various sectors, reflecting Turkiye's sense of brotherhood in Central Asia.
With the motto emphasizing the significance of the Turkic World—“From the Adriatic Sea to the Great Wall of China”—regional relations were approached from a new perspective. This slogan reflects a vision of unity and cooperation among Turkic-speaking nations, reinforcing cultural and historical ties across vast geographic distances. It has become a guiding principle for Turkiye’s foreign policy in Central Asia, fostering deeper diplomatic and economic connections with countries in the region.
Unlike China, which emphasizes infrastructure projects and loans through the Belt and Road Initiative, Turkiye promotes soft power through shared cultural ties and economic partnerships, often with fewer financial strings attached. Ankara’s “win-win diplomacy” aims at mutual gains and benefits without the risk of debt-trap diplomacy, which is often associated with China. Central Asian countries primarily owe their external debt to a combination of bilateral lenders, notably China and Russia.
On the other side, Russia maintains a more security-driven and politically influenced approach, rooted in Soviet-era connections. Moscow's perspective is heavily shaped by its "near abroad" policy, which frames the region as Russia’s backyard. Turkiye presents itself as a partner rather than a hegemon, focusing on collaboration and mutual benefits over control.
In light of global changes, how does Turkiye plan to increase its influence and economic presence in Central Asia, given the competition with other states?
Turkiye approaches Central Asia with a focus on mutual benefit rather than “influence.” This approach marks Turkiye's most significant distinction from other actors in the region.
Its priorities include, first, developing logistics and transit routes across the Caspian Sea to link Central Asia with Turkiye and, ultimately, Europe. The country has demonstrated its potential as a bridge nation through key infrastructure projects, including the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Oil Pipeline, the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum Gas Pipeline, and the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway. These and upcoming initiatives not only enhance energy security but also facilitate regional connectivity and trade, solidifying Turkiye's role as a crucial transit hub between Europe and Central Asia.
Second, Turkiye seeks to increase investments in strategic sectors like construction, telecommunications, and manufacturing, backed by customized economic agreements with each Central Asian country.
Third, Turkiye leverages cultural diplomacy, particularly through the Organization of Turkic States, to promote regional cooperation in cultural and educational initiatives. Currently, there is significant competition among various countries to promote their public diplomacy initiatives in Central Asia. Notable players include the Sejong Institute of South Korea, the Goethe Institute of Germany, the British Council of the UK, the Russkiy Mir Foundation of Russia, and the Confucius Institute of China. In this context, Turkiye aims to enhance its efforts in promoting the Turkish language and culture while fostering cooperation in cultural and academic fields through dedicated institutions such as the Yunus Emre Institute and the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities. These initiatives reflect Turkiye's commitment to strengthening its cultural presence and building relationships within the region.
Lastly, Turkiye has expanded its role in security training in Central Asia, addressing shared concerns over regional instability, extremism, and terrorism. Notably, Ankara tried to take on a mediating role in the 2022 crisis between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
How do you see the prospects for Turkish-Central Asian security cooperation, especially given the current challenges posed by extremism and instability in the region?
With regional security concerns escalating due to extremism, border tensions, and instability, Turkiye’s role in security cooperation could expand significantly. As a NATO member with extensive experience, Turkiye offers security training and equipment support, sharing expertise in areas like counter-terrorism and border security—a model that has proven effective with Azerbaijan and Georgia.
Through the Organization of Turkic States, Turkiye also has the potential to promote a collective security approach, particularly as Central Asian nations seek to diversify their security partnerships beyond Russia. Leveraging its experience in combating extremism, Turkiye is well-positioned to assist Central Asia in addressing cross-border terrorism, trafficking, and radicalization. It is important to note that Turkiye has had a significant impact on stabilization efforts in Afghanistan for an extended period. As a result, the country is well-acquainted with regional security dynamics.
What are the obstacles to deeper integration between Turkiye and Central Asia, and what steps do you think can be taken to overcome them?Several challenges hinder deeper integration between Turkiye and Central Asia.
First, the varying interests and levels of dependency on Russia and China among Central Asian states complicate alignment with Turkiye. Expanding the activities of the Organization of Turkic States and inviting broader participation could help build a more cohesive alliance.
Additionally, limited infrastructure and financial resources in Central Asia may slow Turkiye’s investment ambitions, particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. By partnering with international financial institutions, Turkiye can assist in mobilizing resources for development projects in the region.
Politically, regional instability—especially in Afghanistan—poses a security threat to deeper engagement, despite the Taliban government's assurances of a secure environment. To mitigate potential risks, Turkiye can offer diplomatic support for Central Asian issues on international platforms, thereby enhancing their global voice and influence.
