"Many jihadists from Central Asia have historically used Türkiye as a transit point to reach Syria," the political scientist noted.
Photo: dpa agency
The Caspian Post reprints the interview with Engin Ozer, a Turkish political scientist and analyst, about the involvement of militants from the Central Asia in the ongoing clashes in Syria. The interview was published by News.Az.
- What is the scale of participation of Central Asian citizens in the ongoing military actions in Syria, and which countries from the region are most actively involved?
- In recent months, Türkiye has heightened passport control measures for Central Asian citizens. This is largely due to heightened security concerns following a series of terrorist attacks in Moscow. Turkish intelligence services have been paying closer attention to individuals traveling through their borders, as many jihadists from Central Asia have historically used Türkiye as a transit point to reach Syria.
According to available data, approximately 2,000 individuals from Central Asia have joined armed groups in Syria, with a significant portion affiliating with jihadist factions. Among them, the Turkistan Islamic Party stands out. Based in Eastern Turkistan (the eastern region of China), this group primarily consists of Uyghurs, many of whom have combat experience gained in Afghanistan.
In addition, a considerable number of Tajiks have joined terrorist groups, though precise figures are unavailable. Estimates suggest around 2,000 Tajiks are involved. Uzbeks are also notably represented among these groups, with many affiliating with organizations like the Turkistan Islamic Party.
The most organized and experienced fighters among these groups are the Uyghurs from Eastern Turkistan. Their combat skills and training make them a prominent force within extremist movements.
- Do you believe that Central Asian citizens are fighting exclusively on the opposition side, or are there representatives from Turkic countries recruited via Russian channels fighting for Assad?
- Most of these individuals did not leave their Central Asian countries to fight for freedom or join opposition groups. They are primarily jihadists. As such, very few, if any, are fighting for the so-called "moderate opposition," which includes the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army and is not classified as a terrorist organization.
Members of the Turkistan Islamic Party have been known to join ISIS. Today, many operate under the guise of various terrorist organizations but remain fundamentally connected to groups like al-Qaeda or ISIS.
Personally, I have not encountered cases of Central Asian citizens fighting on the side of Bashar al-Assad's government. While it’s possible such individuals exist, I have not heard of any confirmed reports from reliable sources.
- Are there any reports about which groups or organizations are recruiting Central Asian citizens for the conflict, either on the opposition side or for Assad's forces?
- When discussing mercenaries fighting for Assad, it is plausible that some individuals may exist, but there is no evidence of organized groups voluntarily supporting Assad. At least, I have no data confirming this.
As for individuals from Central Asia, about 80% of them are associated with the Turkistan Islamic Party, a group with a distinctly jihadist ideology. Many of its members faced significant challenges in their home countries, which forced them to flee. Through Türkiye, they reached Syria and have long since settled in Idlib.
For these individuals, Idlib remains the only viable place in Syria where they can live and operate. Outside of Idlib, they have virtually no refuge.
- What are the main factors motivating Central Asian citizens to join militant groups in Syria—ideological, economic, or otherwise?
- Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, many individuals from Central Asia participated in the conflicts in Afghanistan. This experience deeply influenced their belief in supporting similar movements.
Additionally, the governance styles and policies of certain Central Asian leaders significantly impacted public sentiment. People were often compelled to live by strict rules, dictated in terms of beliefs and practices, which bred dissatisfaction and radicalization.
While economic issues have played a role, they are secondary. The primary driver remains ideology. This stems, first, from the errors and authoritarian practices of former leaders in these countries, and second, from the influence of events in Afghanistan, which shaped the worldview and choices of these individuals.
- What security risks do the potential return of radicalized and battle-hardened citizens from Syria pose to Central Asian countries?
- The return of these individuals to their home countries is likely to be a challenging process. Confirmed reports indicate that many reached Syria via Türkiye, which has been actively working on this issue. There may be some channels of communication between Turkish authorities and the leaders of these groups.
Of course, this presents a national security concern, but I do not view it as a significant problem. Russia’s experience offers valuable insights. Many of its citizens, including those from Dagestan, Chechnya, and other Caucasus republics, fought as jihadists but were effectively monitored upon their return. Surveillance and control measures helped prevent major threats.
The greatest danger could come from individuals infiltrating through Afghanistan. However, even in this scenario, the risks appear manageable, especially with measures in place to monitor and prevent their return.
Khayyam Musazada
