The arrest of Russian-Armenian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan in Yerevan should have made major headlines - but surprisingly, it didn’t. The loudest reaction was expected from Moscow, yet the Kremlin has remained remarkably quiet. There has been no echo of past rhetoric or threats to put Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan “in his place.” This silence has puzzled many observers following the case of the Tashir Group’s owner.
From the outset, few believed someone as powerful as Karapetyan could actually be detained in Yerevan. When the news first broke, media outlets were flooded with conflicting reports. Initially, it was stated that the head of the Tashir Group had been arrested. Later, reports emerged denying this, claiming that the Armenian-Russian businessman had narrowly avoided detention thanks to public outrage. Karapetyan himself even took to social media to insist he was free.
Eventually, the situation became clearer: Karapetyan left his Yerevan residence accompanied by a deputy police chief and entered a police car. His brother, businessman Karen Karapetyan, was with him. The next morning, Karen and his son Narek were released from the police station. Samvel, however, remained “basking” at the Investigative Committee. Interestingly, pro-government Telegram channels also denied the arrest, insisting Armenia was a “rule-of-law state” where people aren’t imprisoned without cause.
But the notion of “without cause” is debatable. Samvel Karapetyan is no angel - and there may well be legitimate reasons for his detention. Still, his two-month incarceration without access to family members is clearly politically motivated - something the authorities are not even trying to conceal. He has been charged under a statute concerning public calls to overthrow the government. His legal team has called the arrest unlawful.
A search was conducted at his Yerevan residence, and authorities launched inspections across all “Tashir Pizza” outlets in Armenia, part of Karapetyan’s business empire.
According to reports, the trigger for the arrest was Karapetyan’s vocal support for the Armenian Apostolic Church, which has been in open conflict with Prime Minister Pashinyan in recent weeks. This standoff between the government and the Church has become a central issue in Armenian domestic politics, dragging the diaspora into the fray as well. And that’s not surprising, considering whose money is circulating in Armenia - who’s funding revanchist projects, political campaigns, and generously backing the Church itself.
Karapetyan had arrived in Yerevan to defend Etchmiadzin’s “honor and dignity.” He warned that he would “intervene in his own way” if the government didn’t stop its attacks on the Church. Pashinyan swiftly and sharply responded: “I’ll show you what ‘intervening in your own way’ means, scoundrel - better yet, let me show you how we do it ‘your way.’ This is not some remote village in Kaluga. This is the Republic of Armenia. I hope the taste of the state remains in your mouth,” he wrote on social media.
Nikol Pashinyan is not as naive as many believe. He carefully calculates his steps - even when they appear eccentric, there’s method in them. It’s highly unlikely that Karapetyan’s visit to Yerevan during a heated conflict with the Church took Pashinyan by surprise. The prime minister acted preemptively, aiming to prevent escalation. Protests against the arrest have been swiftly suppressed, and the most vocal demonstrators have been detained by police.
The process is now underway. Pashinyan appears determined to strip Karapetyan of his influence over Armenia’s energy sector. He has declared that it’s time to nationalize “Electric Networks of Armenia” CJSC. In today’s world, “nationalization” may sound like a relic - and the confiscation of a private company from a Russian businessman may seem illegal. But…
As noted earlier, Moscow has shown little sign of displeasure over Karapetyan’s arrest. Nor was there much outrage over the earlier detention of another Russian billionaire, Ruben Vardanyan, in Baku. One might even get the impression that Moscow is quietly glad to be rid of Armenian mafiosi. That impression may be deceptive - but we’ll see how things unfold. According to leaks from Russia, investigations into Karapetyan’s business dealings there are reportedly in the pipeline.
Some Russian media suggest that Karapetyan has monopolized over half the Moscow real estate market. He and his associates are accused of intimidating local residents, with Armenian gangs allegedly attacking Muscovites protesting against the abuses of the Armenian business mafia. Karapetyan is also said to control several Russian media outlets and - in earlier years - to have jointly financed arms shipments to Armenia with the head of the Union of Armenians of Russia.
It’s worth noting that on the very day Karapetyan was arrested - June 17 - Armenia’s National Security Service Director Armen Abazyan was dismissed. According to a Hetq leak, Abazyan had refused to authorize the arrest of Karapetyan’s lawyer, citing a “legal vacuum” in the charges.
In Armenia, Karapetyan had also been gradually seizing property, leveraging his ties to Robert Kocharyan’s network. Since 2017, his companies took over Yerevan’s public services - elevators, street lighting, façade repairs - which allegedly became a front for laundering and embezzlement. The extravagant “Old Yerevan” redevelopment project also belongs to Tashir. Under the guise of a “historic complex,” Karapetyan’s firm took over central parts of the Armenian capital. Former city officials have since admitted that no project could move forward in Yerevan without a green light from Karapetyan’s office.
But all of this pales in comparison to Karapetyan’s political funding. He is a major donor to both the opposition and the Church. In 2021, he financed Robert Kocharyan’s election campaign, reportedly contributing $9 million. Pashinyan ultimately won - but clearly hasn’t forgotten.
In 2022, Karapetyan donated $60 million to the Church, under the pretense of supporting “spiritual Armenia.” In reality, it was a major investment in opposition to the current government. And Pashinyan didn’t wait - he struck first. In May, a criminal case was opened on alleged money laundering through Church foundations.
In such battles, striking first is crucial. Pashinyan has made his move. The question now is - what will the counterstrike look like?
By Tural Heybatov
